Script-free record · Release 2026-07-28.3
The bill was passed, a majority of the members serving voting therefor, as follows:
Core facts and links below come from the same immutable public release as the enhanced record page.
vote
Recorded floor vote
The bill was passed, a majority of the members serving voting therefor, as follows:
- Vote date
- 2021-05-13
- Chamber
- senate
- Result
- passed
- Yeas
- 20
- Nays
- 15
- Excused
- 1
- Not voting
- 0
- Related measure
- measure-8930
- Related sitting
- sitting-993
Official totals and named choices remain separate evidence. A named choice supports that vote only and does not establish continuous presence.
Inspect all published fields
- Chamber
- senate
- Context text
- Second, this bill would provide a tax credit—not a deduction—for four years, which arguably is an odd number—actually it’s an even number but you know what I mean. It’s almost as if families and the care and nurturing of dependent children only lasts for four years, which is laughable because it’s 18 at minimum. It seems to be an arbitrary number not grounded in reason. This tax credit is only available to the people who have filed tax returns. Furthermore, unlike the EITC, this money is not refundable. Third, and maybe most important, while we should be in the business of making true, meaningful reform and providing actual help to families with dependent children, this isn’t it, especially since according to the Senate Fiscal Agency, it will create a—good thing everyone’s sitting down—$725 million hole in the General Fund and School Aid Fund budgets per year for four consecutive years. That’s money not going into the very school districts where these very dependent children are educated. This makes zero fiscal sense and the child tax credit does not and will not offset the perpetuated disinvestment in their schools. It’s a financially reckless tradeoff. See, the devil is in the details. Until we are going to find meaningful ways to support families—especially those with dependent children—and properly fund their constitutionally-required education, this type of sorta-kinda-feel-good legislative financial tradeoff has the devil’s play written all over it, and had we done this before voting, I would have urged a “no” vote but this is my “no” vote explanation. Senator Ananich asked and was granted unanimous consent to make a statement and moved that the statement be printed in the Journal. The motion prevailed. Senator Ananich’s statement is as follows: I rise to offer an amendment to this bill, first because I agree with my colleague who introduced this and members on the other side of the aisle, that a thoughtful debate about how we help families struggling is extremely important right now. My amendment raises the credit to a more impactful level and lifts the sunset, along with raising our UIA benefits because as you all know, they are the lowest in the Great Lakes region. Long-term support is critical for advancing all families and all workers, especially when they lose their employment. Mr. President I ask for support for my amendment and for all Michigan families. The following bill was read a third time: Senate Bill No. 428, entitled A bill to amend 1978 PA 368, entitled “Public health code,” by amending sections 2253 and 2453 (MCL 333.2253 and 333.2453), section 2253 as amended by 2006 PA 157. The question being on the passage of the bill, The bill was passed, a majority of the members serving voting therefor, as follows:
- Excused
- 1
- Measure id
- measure-8930
- Motion text
- The bill was passed, a majority of the members serving voting therefor, as follows:
- Nays
- 15
- Not voting
- 0
- Result
- passed
- Sitting id
- sitting-993
- Vote date
- 2021-05-13
- Vote id
- vote-9590
- Vote number
- 187
- Yeas
- 20
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Michigan Legislative Activity and Evidence Dataset, release 2026-07-28.3, “The bill was passed, a majority of the members serving voting therefor, as follows:,” /votes/vote-9590.
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